Timehin Saheed Olurotimi (PhD)


Corruption is a global phenomenon. With the advent of unprecedented breakthrough in information technology which has shrunk the world in which we live, it has become increasingly easier to know what happens in other nations in a matter of seconds! The ways nations are governed and the dynamics of socio-political orientations in different lands and climes are now well-known, particularly with the growing interactions of nations in the spheres of socio-economic advancements and the inter-dependability that has resulted therefrom.  Decades ago, there were very few studies on corruption and how it affects the societal super-structure. However, in the last few decades, it has attracted the attention of academics, corporate researchers and policy makers and hundreds of articles have been published on the subject.1

This seemingly global obsession with the challenge of corruption reflects an increased public concern for the problems it causes, and explains the development of various typologies of corruption and visible indexes that have made it easier to measure it and its variables.

The world today is made up of countries that are believed to have low corruption rates and those that are believed to have scored high on the corruption scale.2 The former group of countries consists mainly of Western nations, while the latter group consists of African, Asian, and Latin American nations.3

The International Country Risk Guide (ICRG) that produces a perceived-corruption index reports of countries around the world and the World Bank aggregated corruption index of Kaufmann and others4 give Finland a clean bill as the country with the lowest corruption level while Somalia and Zimbabwe are the most corrupt countries of the world according to the World Bank index, and ICRG data respectively. But, what is corruption and what are its causes?5

Corruption as a term seems to have as many definitions as there are researchers into its tortuous and slippery terrains. Some prefer the literal meaning of the word while others subscribe to the social connotation of the term especially as it is used in the social sciences. Others, because of the ubiquitous tenor of the word, opt for the downright dramatic! Harry Seldadyo Guinardi, for example, opens his work “Corruption and Governance Around the World” with a startling passage taken from the 2004 Global Corruption Report of Transparency International:

“Ladies and Gentlemen. . . Now we have a winner. In the world corruption league, the grand prize goes to. . . Mr. Soeharto, the former president of Indonesia! Let’s have a loud cheer for the most corrupt President in the globe!”6

One popular definition is Waterbury’s description of corruption as the abuse of public power and influence for private ends.”7 Jain approaches it from a socio-political context. He lists discretionary power, economic rents, and a weak judicial system as key concepts in defining corruption. He thus defines corruption as an act in which the power of public office is used for personal gain in a manner that contravenes the rules of the game. 8

The word “corruption” comes from the Latin verb ‘rumpere’, to break.9 It therefore connotes, something broken – presumably a breakdown in prevailing ethical, moral, social, or administrative code of conduct.10 It is in light of this etymology that corruption is usually associated with a range of acts such as bribery, extortion, buying influence, nepotism, favouritism, fraud and embezzlement.  It is thus the result of the failure of personal and public morality.

One of the primary functions of the state is the preservation of public and private values that will drive the actions of the individuals that make up the populace.  Corruption becomes rampant when the state has failed in this regard. The absence of social justice and the enthronement of the cult of impunity are features of poor governance or a malfunctioning state and they naturally give birth to several corrupt practices that weaken every strategic sector of a social order. Hassan writes:

“In the political realm, corruption undermines democracy and good governance by subverting formal processes and rules of conduct. It erodes the institutional capacity of government as established procedures are disregarded, resources are siphoned, and officials are assigned or promoted without regard to performance. Corruption in elections usually elects the wrong people, those who are parasites and put personal greed over national interests. Corruption in legislative bodies undermines accountability and representation in policy making. In the administrative realm, corruption results in the unequal provision of services, which undermines the States legitimacy and, in extreme cases, may render a country ungovernable and lead to political instability and social conflict. Corruption in the judiciary circumvents the rule of law, and justice is often delivered late or even denied”.11

The challenge posed by corruption to development is surely a very complex one.  It is often difficult to determine who the truly corrupt person is. In the case of bribery for instance, is the giver of bribe the culprit or the taker? How do we distinguish between a bribe given to someone to get what one is really qualified for and the one given to bend rules in one’s favour? How do we categorize the bribe given by a candidate whose name appears on a merit list but finds a corrupt official blocking his way? He does not want to lose the position and the society appears unwilling to secure his right for him. If he refuses to give the bribe, he loses the position; if he fights the action of the official, his chance of losing is very high. What should he do? He is surely walking a tight rope.

There are cultural contradictions too in communal values. Our communities frown at public officials demanding bribe, but the same communities encourage, and at times, insist on gift-giving and cronyism when relating with people in positions of trust or authority.


On attaining independence in 1960, Nigeria was looked upon as the “Giant of Africa” and a refreshingly promising experiment in parliamentary democracy. When on 15th January, 1966, a military coup struck only to be followed by another one in July of the same year, the whole world asked: “What is wrong with Nigeria?” It is however disheartening to note that 49 years after those coups, we have not stopped asking: “What exactly is wrong with us?”12

Any attempt to answer this question must first take into consideration the ideological framework within which the Nigerian political psyche was formed. This is because what the nation experiences today has its roots in the ideals and idiosyncrasies of all the ethnic nationalities that populate it and how these ideals have received, interpreted, and adjusted to the inherited socio-political ideology of the colonial administrators.

It is a well-known fact that Nigerians rank among the most religious people in the world. It is also a fact that the identity of most Nigerians is defined by the faith tradition to which they subscribe. This is the reason why religion gets blamed for most of the atrocities its adherents commit. The responsibility for and ownership of heinous crimes almost always fall upon religion when in reality each social expression of religion depends on man’s volitional acts.

Ethnicity and religion are the two major markers of identity in Nigeria. Because the socio- political consciousness of the majority is not fully developed, it is more convenient to invoke ethnic or religious affiliations as an authentication of individual identity. While ethnicity is a blessing as a tool for socio-linguistic bonding, it becomes a curse when it is employed as a tool of exclusivism and discrimination. Religion too, despite its many positive sides, becomes a negative factor if it is manipulated in favour of totalitarianism and used to promote exclusivistic tendencies.13

In a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country like Nigeria with over four hundred (400) ethnic groups, belonging to thousands of religious sects, exclusivism can only spell doom for the populace. Since independence, the nation has been grappling with, and trying to manage several cases of ethno-religious conflicts. Over the years, accusations of ethnic and religious discriminations have led to incessant recurrence of ethno-religious conflicts, which have given birth to many ethnic militias like the O’ dua People Congress (OPC); the Bakassi Boys; the Egbesu Boys; the Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC); and the Igbo People Congress (IPC).  Others include the Arewa Peoples Congress (APC) the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB); and the Ohanaeze N’digbo. 14

The emergence of these ethnic militias, the absence of social justice in the country, widespread illiteracy and the commercialization of religion by the institutional representatives of God have combined to further deepen the divides between the various ethnic and religious groups thereby resulting in the use of the ethnic militias as the executors of ethno-religious agenda.  This sad situation gave birth to unhealthy rivalry among the people; and religion, which is supposed to be the custodian of ethical values, became the justifier of several corrupt practices, or the sanctifying authority for the cults of impunity that sprang up as a result of the government’s unwillingness or lack of institutional capacity to arrest the situation.

It is sad to note however that the story of Nigeria is one sorry episode of failure of leadership. Despite the abundant resources, there is no effective coordination of each sector of the economy at the centre. Government agencies do not operate as if there is an agreed direction towards which all policies and governmental activities must head. The result of this is the sick, decadent and mono-cultural economy which we are plagued with.

During the struggle for independence when the Nigerian Nationalists of the country were fighting for self-rule, it probably did not occur to them that it was necessary to hold a national conference to decide and agree upon how the nation was to be governed and the sacrifices and adjustments the populace had to make. They therefore set out with no agreed upon national values to nurture the soul of the nation and direct her affairs or so it seems.

It is therefore no wonder  that almost fifty seven years after her independence, her performance in the spheres of social engineering, economic growth and political stability does not in any way represent her potentials, or project the true yearnings of her citizens, her vast natural endowments notwithstanding.

Concerning Nigeria and other African Nations and their response to the socio-economic challenges facing them as sovereign Nations, Professor Richard Joseph, former Program Officer of Ford Foundation in West Africa writes:

“Today, Nigeria is regarded internationally as having made minimal progress in responding to this challenge. Entrenched political corruption has become one element of a broader phenomenon that can be called ‘catastrophic governance’. I define catastrophic governance as endemic practices that steadily undermine a country’s capacity to increase the supply of public goods. It is catastrophic governance that mainly responsible for Africa’s failure to realize its immense development potential, aided and abetted by external opportunists. There are numerous studies that detail this sad record, for example, the 2001 award-winning book, Africa: Economies and Politics of Permanent Crisis by Nicolas Van de Walle contends that the failure to accelerate economic growth in Africa despite two decades of ‘unprecedented aid flows’ is largely attributed to governance and institutional deficiencies.

Today, as discussed above, international donor are devoting considerable attention to improving aid effectiveness. Frankly, Africa’s most crippling deficiency is not the absence of adequate resources but the failure to generate the necessary institutional capacity in both public and private sectors to make effective use of available resources, whatever their provenance. There is little doubt that international donors will increase the flow of development aid to Africa, tighten the standard by which it is administered, and take steps to improve the delivery and coordination of their assistance. What remains to be demonstrated is that the institutional capacity to make productive use of these aid flows, as well as Africa’s own resources, will improve in the continent. Unless the chain of catastrophic governance is broken, Africa’s productivity will slip further behind that of the rest of the world. Nigeria illustrates vividly this predicament. In a November 27, 2002 article in the wall street journal, former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, Princeton Lyman observes that Nigeria’s failure to achieve ‘ effective government, sound economic policies or long periods of even formal democracy… threaten to ignite the worst form of religious violence, indeed they threaten the continued unity of the country’. Nigeria reels from one of the worst economic declines in world’, he states and ‘corruption has robbed the country blind’. There is no single solution to the dilemma of building African institutional capacity. It will take a concerted and collaborated effort among many actors and organizations, in Africa and internationally, to effect a lasting transformation of African governance’.15

Similarly, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a former Nigerian President declared:

“Once you give free rein unchecked, unbridled and uncontrolled, the bestiality of man comes to the force. The Average Nigerian is not by nature more corrupt than the European or anyone from any part of the world. He is no less democratic than anyone else. But others have Institutions, Laws, Conventions and Practices, which effectively discourage and punish corrupters and corruptness. Effective Sanctions, moral, social, political and legal, are an essential part of the antidotes against corruption, human rights abuse and all forms of antidemocratic tendencies”16

Corruption is rife in Nigeria and most of the under-developed and developing countries. It is perhaps the major feature of these countries. This is because most of them are not under-developed or slow in development because they lack natural endowments or human resources, but because corruption has assumed the status of an institution in them. It has become so endemic that it permeates the social, political, religious and cultural lives of the people.

In the quotation cited above, President Obasanjo opines that corruption rate is high in Nigeria because the country lacks the institutional capacity to tackle it. While this may be true to a very large extent, other thinkers have opined that Nigeria’s corruption is an offshoot of the legacy of the colonial administration. Yusuf Ali(SAN) writes:

Colonialism has been regarded as “the iniquitous system that distorts relationships, destroys or petrifies institutions and corrupts men, both colonizers and the colonized.” The right of the European colonizers to rule in Nigeria had no moral basis in our tradition, convention or myth. It was grounded purely on conquest by force of arms, or cession obtained by undue influence and corruption. This is why it is strongly believed that one of the greatest legacies the imperialists transferred to Nigeria at Independence was corruption, since the imperialists could not have transferred a better title than they themselves possessed. It has been asserted, and rightly so, that most Nigerians are so unused to waiting in line to do or attain things by merit because colonialism taught them all about usurpation of advantages and opportunities independent of personal merit and this was how the seed of corruption had been germinating and taking root.

The white man that they respected so much was an illegitimately privileged person and was able to benefit from plentiful undemanding labour and servants and could easily obtain administrative positions. So it is this system of inequity, injustice arising from domination, exploitation and unfair discrimination that Nigerians inherited at independence that baptized the issue of corruption, and, or official corruption in Nigeria. The elites who took over the mantle of “rulership” after the departure of the colonial overlords conceived themselves as inheritors not only of the Whiteman’s arbitrary powers but also of his relation to the state and the people. The Nigerian Police Force is a good example of the petrifying legacy of the era.

They therefore regarded the state as their personal estate to which they can dip hands at will, to satisfy their whims and desires. Hence the unbridled corruption that is rampant amongst public office-holders in Nigeria and indeed most of the other African Countries so much so that Karl Maier commented thus: “the state in Africa is the bastard child of imperialism.”17



In social scientific thought, corruption was formerly viewed as the “grease that oils the economic wheel”; and several thinkers felt that a certain amount of corruption was necessary for economic growth. But a paradigm shift was experienced a few decades ago and corruption came to be known as a “menace that undermines economic growth”.18

This shift has brought into focus the “human” element in economic discourse and the ethical rationale for human interactions and social development, thereby aligning western socio-scientific thoughts on corruption with Islamic thought. The major difference between them however, is in the area of remedial action. While the western social science “focuses on governance and designing appropriate systems and institutions that gear information and incentives toward minimizing opportunities and enticement for corruption. In short, it emphasizes constraints external to the individual”.19

Islam, on the other hand, acknowledges the above approach but seeks, in addition to go beyond such, by creating in the individual a moral consciousness that makes him see that his actions have a trans-worldly reference. It thus makes him develop a firm belief in transcendental accountability, stressing character building through a functional moral orientation that assists him to embrace virtues and shun vices.

Islam sees the individual as the executor of the Divine will on earth.  It also sees the earth as the theatre of man’s volitional acts where his actions are ultimately responsible for the wellbeing or otherwise of the entire cosmos. It therefore insists that the only absolute moral authority is Allah, the Creator of the Universe, Who, alone, can give absolute moral directives that are beyond human particularistic cultural expressions.

The quest for good governance is a global phenomenon. Authorities such as Wilfried Beckerman in his “Crisis in Economy  or Economics, Amitai Etzioni in his ‘The Moral Dimension: Towards a New Economics, Cristovam Buarque in his, ‘ The End Of Economics: Ethics and the Disorder of progress, have all argued in favour of  morality driven socio-economic and political systems in the post-industrial societies. The link between moral values and socio-economic behaviour both at individual and governmental levels has been torn asunder during the ascendance of secular capitalistic systems. Political analysts, economists and social theorists are all trying today to re-discover the missing ethical link. James Robertson in his monumental work, ‘Future Wealth: A New Economics for the 21st Century writes:

Unlike both the capitalist and socialist versions of conventional economics, the 21st century economy must be based on recognition that people are moral beings whose freedom as such should not be narrowly bound by impersonal parameters laid down by market and state. The 21st century economy must accept, as an aspect of self-reliance, that people need space in which to exercise moral responsibility and choice in their economic lives. Measures designed to allow this free space to people as individuals, and also to groupings of people in local economies and national economies {especially in the Third World}, must be part of the new economic order… The new economics must thus transcend the materialist assumptions of a conventional economics: that economic life is reducible to production and consumption; that wealth is a kind of product that has to be created before it can be consumed; and that wealth production and wealth consumption are successive stages in a linear process which converts resources into waste. It must re-interpret the manipulative concern of conventional economics with the production and distribution of wealth and the allocation of resources into a developmental concern with how to enable people to meet their needs, develop themselves, and enhance the resources and qualities of the natural world. It must recognize that because human beings are moral beings the basic questions about economics are moral questions. 20

Corruption in Islam is most often translated in Arabic language as “fasād”. This word is perhaps the closest in meaning to the English word “corruption” etymologically. It depicts a distortion of what was formerly alright; the breaking down of an erstwhile ideal state. “Fasād” is therefore used to represent a wide range of synonyms from corruption, rottenness, decay, decomposition and putrefaction to depravity, wickedness, viciousness, iniquity, and perverseness. 21

In the Qur’an and Sunnah (the documented practices of the Prophet), corruption refers to a broad range of behavioural digressions that upset the socio-economic and physical balance of a given society. Allah says:

 Corruption has appeared in the land and the sea on account of that which men’s hands have wrought, that He may make them taste a part of that which they have done, so that they may return. (Q 30:41)

Similarly, He declares in the following passages:

O my people, give full measure and weigh justly, and defraud not men of their things, and act not corruptly in the land making mischief.(Q 11:85)

And devour not your property among yourselves by false means nor seek to gain access thereby to the judges, so that you may consume up a part of the property of others wrongfully while you know. (Q 2 : 188)

That abode of the hereafter, We assign it to those who have no desire to exalt themselves on earth nor to cause corruption (mischief). And the good end is for those who keep their duty. (28:83)

And (remember) Lot when he said to his people: Surely you are guilty of an abomination which none of the nations before you has done.

Do you approach males (with lust) and commit robbery on the highway and commit evil deeds in your assemblies? But the response of his people was only that they said: Bring upon us Allah’s chastisement, if thou art truthful.

He said: My Lord, help me against the corrupt people. (29:28-30)


The Qur’an, in these verses, presents corruption as such behaviours that are against the divine injunctions while employing day to day common language with an emphasis on the negative impact of such conducts on societal wellbeing, or as they relate to the universal ethical standards that are not circumscribed by race, colour, gender or creed.

This, no doubt, gives corruption a wider connotation than its traditional perception as the abuse of public office for private gain. Islam thus sees it as a phenomenon with a cosmopolitan many-sidedness emanating from a wide range of abuses including abuse of political, administrative, judicial, and cultural powers. These various abuses are called different names names but all fall under “fasad”.

In the Qur’an, rulers, judges and people in authority as well as the general public are forbidden from engaging in unlawful appropriation of the property of others by influencing judicial ruling with bribery. Such practices are called ‘bāṭil’ (false or deceptive) on the one hand and ‘ithm’ (criminal, sinful or inappropriate) on the other hand. Q2 v 188.

People in authority who use their positions to spread corruption and mischief (fasād) on land by appealing to racial sentiments of the people and driving a wedge between them by favouring some and oppressing others are censured. Fir’awn (Pharaoh) is given as an example of such. (Q28 v 4; Q89 v 10-12).  The affluent are similarly enjoined to seek lawful material rewards with their wealth and not engage in actions that can promote corruption (fasād) on earth (Q28 v 77).

The early history of Islam, particularly the time of the Prophet and his companions contain valuable documentation of precepts regarding what was the standard of appropriate behaviour and how real human beings put them into practice within a social order. The Prophet for instance, is reported to have condemned “rashwa” which in Arabic translates as bribery, corruption and dishonesty. In the Sunan Abi Dawud, Book 24, Number 3573, we have:

Narrated by Abdullah ibn Amr ibn al-As: “The Apostle of Allah (peace be upon him) cursed the one who offers bribe as well as one who accepts bribe.” [This is hadith is also reported in Musnad Ahmad bin Hambal, Jami’ al Tirmidhi, and Ibn Hibbān adding the phrase  ‘fi al-hukm’ which means, ‘in matters of governance, decision making, or while ruling’. There is another report of the same hadith through Musnad al-Hākim that adds a condemnation of the mediator between the bribe giver and the bribe taker].

Other prophetic narrations censure corruption by reproaching the abuse of public trust by officials of the state through acts such as accepting gifts, stealing of public funds, and compromising the rule of law in because bribes or as a result of recommendation or because of family or tribal considerations.

The Prophet himself, on several occasions, turned down many people who sought public appointments because such positions are a trust which must be given to men of integrity alone and these people, in his estimation, lacked the necessary qualities. On one occasion, he said: “Authority is a trust, and on the Day of Judgment, it is a cause of humiliation and regret except for one who fulfils its obligations and faithfully discharges the duties attendant thereon” (Sahih Muslim).

It was in realization of such a huge responsibility that Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb used to record the possessions of the officials he appointed at the time of their appointment, and confiscated partly or wholly whatever they might have added while in office if he suspected that they had benefitted from public appointment.

He (Umar) is also reported to have instructed one of his commanders to adjust the value of gifts offered to him which he had sent to the central treasury against the tax liability of the people, because taking anything more than the stipulated jizyah (poll tax) was unjust.’22

In a similar vein, Caliph Umar ibn Abdul-Aziz declared:

“I am of the view that the ruler should not trade. It is (also) not lawful for the officer to trade in the area of his office … because when he involves himself in trade, he inadvertently misuses his office in his interest and to the detriment of others, even if he does not like to do so.”23

These examples suggest that corruption is understood in Islam on one hand, in terms of the abuse of trust through the misuse of judicial, administrative and political powers. On the other hand, Islam perceives a harmony among different levels of human defiant acts and proposes a utilitarian, virtue-based, legal, and justice-based interpretation of ethics that is in conformity with the human nature.

Corruption at this level embraces all wrongdoings, transgressions, inequity, immorality, indecency, ungodliness, vices, immoderation, untruthfulness, dishonesty, betrayal, and a host of others. These are totally forbidden by Allah and engaging in them extinguishes the inner glow of one’s spirituality and attracts Divine wrath and chastisement.

These acts are depicted as “Fisq”, “Fawāh’ish”, “Ẓulm,” and “Sayyi’ah” in different verses and chapters of the Holy Qur’an. For instance, Allah says:

“Say (O. Muhammed): “Not equal are things that are bad (corrupt) and things that are good even though the abundance of the bad (corrupt) may dazzle you; so fear Allah, O you that understand so that you may prosper. 14 (Q5:100)


In Islam, corruption is an aberration that goes to the root of a Muslim’s faith in Allah and it is the source of insecurity, spiritual and otherwise; and indulging in it is a sign of staying away from the spiritual guidance and the right path. This position is borne out by Allah’s words thus:

“It is those who believe and corrupt not their beliefs with wrongdoing that are (truly) in security for they are on (right) path“(6:82)

Corrupting one’s faith with wrongdoing is here an attribute of disbelievers. In another verse, Allah gives a list of corrupt practices as wrongdoings. He says:

“Say (O Muhammed): ‘Come I will rehearse what your Lord has prohibited you from;” join not anything as equal with Him (Allah); be good to your parents; kill not your children on a plea of want, we (Allah) provide sustenance for you and for them; come not nigh to shameful deeds (corruption), whether open or secret; take not life which Allah has made sacred except by way of justice and law; these He (Allah, SWT) command you, that you may learn wisdom.

“And come not right to the orphan’s property, except to improve it, until he attains the age of full strength; give measure and weight will (full) justice; no burden do we place on any soul but that which it can bear; whenever you speak, speak justly even if a near relation is concerned and fulfil the covenant of Allah, these He (Allah) commands you that you may remember (and become righteous).” Q6: 151-153


Allah also singles out betrayal of trust as a corrupt act which He abhors thus:

“O ye who believe! Betray not the trust of Allah and The Apostle, nor misappropriate knowingly things entrusted to you.” (8: 27)

As a specific warning to those who take oath, especially, one of political office, who are convinced and resolute in their minds not to fulfil the oath they look, Allah said further thus:

“And take not your oaths to practice deception between themselves ………………“(16:94)



Allah also gives an all-embracing injunction within which lies the solution to the scourge of corruption. He says::

“Allah commands justice, the doing of good and liberality to kith and kin, and He forbids all shameful deeds (corruption), injustice and rebellion. He instructs you that you may accept admonition.”Q16 v 90

The institutionalization of justice, kindness and charitable deeds to kith and kin is a major solution to corruption. When there is social justice and equity, and people have the wherewithal to survive within the society, corruption will naturally lose its attraction. Justice demands that there should be equal opportunities for all in terms of access to public good. It also demands that the judicial system bends for no one. When the judiciary is empowered to punish offenders and social justice is entrenched, corruption will have no fortress to protect it.

It is also pertinent to observe that when the attributes of kindness and charity abound in a given society, the gap between the “haves” and the “haves not” will reduce, and negative thoughts that lead to corruption which is a by-product of “survival at all cost” instinct as well as brigandage and other security threats will gradually recede.

Similarly, Islam maintains that a Muslim should be conscious of every minute step he wants to take. He should keep in view the Divine injunctions at all times. The Prophet is reported to have admonished one of his companions thus:

O Sa’d, eat wholesome lawful food and you will be someone whose prayers are answered. And by Him in Whose hands is Muhammad’s soul,  a servant of Allah may swallow a morsel of unlawful food, and because of it, Allah Almighty will not accept from him any good deed for forty days. And any servant whose flesh grows from “suht” (unlawful things, including all proceeds from corruption and corrupt practices), then the fire is most appropriate for it.” 24

The general import of all the Qur’anic texts and prophetic traditions in this regard is that corruption is closely related to a believer’s faith in his Lord and his attitude to it determines the authenticity and soundness of his belief in the Almighty. In the light of this, access to Divine blessings is denied to anyone who is guilty of corruption because his prayers would not be answered for a considerable number of days.

All corrupt acts in the light of the above, undermine national and communal harmony, and prevent the actualization of maximum good for the highest number. It is therefore undesirable from a utilitarian perspective, repugnant from a moral perspective, unjust from the perspectives of equity and fair play, and culpable from a legal standpoint.


  1. Harry Seldadyo Guinardi,(2008) Corruption and Governance Around the World, Rijksuniversite it Groningen, p2
  2. ibid p2
  3. ibid
  4. Kaufman, D, Aart Kraay and M. Mastruzzi, (2007) ‘Governance matters vi; Aggregate and individual Governance indicators for 1996-2005; World Bank Working Paper Series 4280
  5. H.S. Guinardi loc cit p3
  6. ibid p.i
  7. Waterbury, John (1973), ‘ Endemic and Planned Corruption in a Monarchical Regime; World Politics, 25(4):533
  8. Jain, Arvind (2001), Corruption A review, Journal of Economic Surveys, 15(1) 7B
  9. Z. Iqbal & M. K Lewis; Governance and Corruption, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, (19:2) p2
  10. T. Wolf & Z. Gurgen (2000), Improving Governance and Fighting Corruption in the Baltic and CIS Countries: The role of I.M.F, I.M.F Working Papers no 6 00/1
  11. Hassan Shaukat (2004), Corruption and Development: Journal of Dev. Policy and Practice 1(1):32
  12. S.O. Timehin, ‘Ethnicity, Religion and Illiteracy: The Promises and Illusions of Democracy in the Struggle to uplift the Nigerian Masses from Impoverishment (Delivered as the Gani Fawehinmi’s Annual lecture of the Nigerian Bar Association, Ikeja, Lagos) January 15, 2015.
  13. Timehin S. O, “THIS HOUSE MUST NOT FALL: An Excursion into Nigeria’s Leadership Problems and Possible Solutions“, (Departmental Lecture Monograph Series, Purchasing and Supply Department, The Polytechnic, Ibadan, Adeseun Ogundoyin Campus, Eruwa, Oyo State,2013 p 2
  14. Salawu B., “Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria: Causal Analysis

          and   Proposals for New Management Strategies“, (European

Journal of Social Sciences, vol. 13, No. 3, 2010) p. 345

  1. Richard Joseph, ‘State, Governance and Insecurity in Africa,

(Democracy and Development-Journal of West African affairs,

Obadare E. (eds) Vol. 3, No. 2) p 13-14

  1. Olusegun Obasanjo, ‘Corruption, democracy and Human Rights’

(Lecture delivered at the East Africa Leadership Forum, 1994).

  1. Yusuf Ali SAN, ‘An Islamic Framework to Fight Corruption In 

          Nigeria, (Delivered as the Annual Lecture of UI Muslim


18      S. Huntington, (1994) Political Order in Changing Societies, 69.

  1. Z. Iqbal and M.K. Lewis, loc cit p2
  2. James Robertson, ‘Future Wealth: A New Economics for the 21st  

          Century, {London: Cassell Publications, 1990} p.20

  1. Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad ibn Jabir Baladhuri, The Origins of the

Islamic State (Kitab Futuh al-Buldan), trans. Philip Khuri Hitti

(New York: AMS Press, 1968): 1:125-26, 344-45.

  1. S. M. Hasanuz Zaman, Economic Functions of an Islamic State

(The Early Experience), Revised ed. (Leicester, UK: The Islamic

Foundation, 1991): 108.

  1. Ibid., 128.
  2. See Hadith No. 10 of An-Nawawi Collections



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